Between BJP And RSS : Silent Strain

Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, strains between the RSS and BJP have surfaced over differing expectations and strategies. Modi’s alignment with Sangh agendas contrasts with the RSS’s critical stance, revealing a nuanced dynamic as Modi asserts greater independence from traditional RSS

By Reeta Singh

• As the RSS nears its 100th year, support for Modi among its cadre is growing ahead of next year’s centenary
• Sangh leader Ratan Sharda stated the BJP’s biggest mistake was giving 25% of its tickets to defectors
• There is a ‘Guru-Bhai’ relationship between Modi and Bhagwat. In ‘Jyotipunj’, Modi compares Bhagwat to Parasmani
• In 2017, Mohan Bhagwat became the first RSS Chief officially invited to Rashtrapati Bhawan by President Pranab Mukherjee

WHEN the results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections were announced on June 4, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat’s statement that “a true sevak (one who serves the people) does not have ‘ahankaar’ (arrogance) and works without causing any hurt to others. A true sevak maintains decorum while working. The one who maintains decorum does his work but remains unattached. There is no arrogance that I did this. Only such a person has the right to be called a sevak,” was interpreted in many ways. Following this, senior RSS leader Indresh Kumar stated that “The party which did the bhakti (of Lord Ram) but became arrogant was stopped at 241 but it was made the biggest party.” These statements made it clear that the target of the RSS was the BJP and PM Narendra Modi.

EMPHASIS ON HUMILITY 

Following Bhagwat’s  statement, another Sangh leader Ratan Sharda, who has written many books and articles on RSS and is a member of the RSS’s national media team, expressed his thoughts that JP Nadda’s remark that the “BJP had now grown and become capable” was ill-timed during the Lok Sabha elections. He pointed out that sometimes, the RSS cadre is taken for granted. In his article “Modi 3.0: Conversation for Course Correction” in the Organizer, the mouthpiece of the RSS, Sharda writes that the Lok Sabha election results served as a reality check for “overconfident” BJP workers and many of its leaders, who were content in their “bubble” and not listening to the voices on the streets. Addressing the widely-reported lack of coordination between RSS and BJP workers during this election season, Sharda noted that BJP workers and local leaders did not reach out to their “ideological allies” in this election.

Sharda stated that the biggest mistake made by the BJP in this election was giving 25 percent of its tickets to defectors. He elaborated, “Kripashankar Singh, who lost the election from Jaunpur and had earlier described the 26/11 attacks an RSS conspiracy,  never  regretted his statement. Yet, he was given a ticket and didn’t apologise. Similarly, RK Singh, who was the Home Secretary and labelled the RSS a terrorist organisation, never retracted his statement or apologised, yet he became a minister. This hurts many Sangh karyakartas. I am not the only one; you can talk to hundreds of karyakartas (volunteers) who feel the BJP gives more importance to defectors.”

After the results of the Lok Sabha elections, statements of RSS leaders highlighted the word  ‘arrogance’. In his speech, Mohan Bhagwat also highlighted the ongoing unrest in Manipur, expressing concern over the lack of peace even after a year, and emphasised the need to prioritise the situation in this conflict-ridden northeastern state. 

KEY IMPLEMENTATIONS

Prior to the general elections, the RSS never questioned Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s conduct. Modi, who has a background as a pracharak for the RSS, has successfully implemented almost all the major resolutions of the Sangh, including: The division of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, The abrogation of Article 370, The construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, Triple Talaq Bill, the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

Besides this, before the elections, the Modi government made it clear through its manifesto—Sankalp Patra, released on April 14—that the party pledged to implement the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) if it returns to power for a third time. 

Now the question arises: why did Mohan Bhagwat give such a statement? 

PM Modi has advocated for a new socio-economic system as well as the ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ campaign. He launched the ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ campaign by addressing the nation on May 12, 2020. He said the “idea” of a self-reliant India is the product of centuries-old “culture,” and “sanskar” and has its roots in Hindu religious texts like the Vedas and Shastras. His explanation was full of Sanskrit quotations, connecting this theory of the future with the ancient knowledge tradition. Before Modi’s address, the top leadership of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh had talked about the same self-reliance model. On 26 April 2020, Bhagwat addressed the nation and gave a speech on the topic “Current Situation and Our Role”. He offered a “new model of development” that should be based on “self-reliance” (Atmanirbhar). Using the same terminology that Modi later used.

Interestingly, during his ten years in power, Modi has implemented almost all of the Sangh’s key agendas. This raises the question of why Narendra Modi, a former pracharak who has diligently followed the Sangh’s goals, is being criticised by the Sangh. To understand this, we need to look at the relationship between Mohan Bhagwat and Modi. It’s also notable that the RSS remained silent when the Modi government faced criticism for not addressing the violence and atrocities in Manipur.

SELECTIVE RESPONSES

The Sangh remained silent during several significant events across the country. It did not comment when the issue of electoral bonds was being widely discussed, nor did it speak out during instances of mob lynching. Even when youth protested against unemployment and paper leaks, the Sangh maintained its silence. The organisation also did not react when Rahul Gandhi lost his membership in Parliament, 146 MPs were suspended, or Mahua Moitra was ousted from Parliament. Additionally, the Sangh did not respond to the Revanna episode in Karnataka or when BJP candidate Judge Abhijit Gangopadhyay made an inappropriate remark about Mamata Banerjee in Haldia. It remained silent even when Modi, during the election campaign in Rajasthan, talked about infiltrators and those having more children, or made controversial remarks in Bihar. 

However, when the Hindenburg report on industrialist Gautam Adani was released, the Sangh’s mouthpiece, Organiser, published an article titled “Decoding the Hit Job by Hindenburg,” defending Adani. This article claimed that many independent journalists and Indian websites, allegedly funded by foreign sources, had been trying to tarnish Adani’s image ever since he purchased a coal mine in Australia, labelling these journalists as digital sharpshooters.

SHIFT IN RELATIONSHIP

Recently, during the Pran Pratishtha (consecration) ceremony of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, Prime Minister Modi played a prominent role, leading the ceremony and unveiling the idol of Lord Ram. Sangh head Mohan Bhagwat was also present at this significant event and praised Modi in his speech following the Pran Pratishtha ceremony. The two leaders were also seen together in 2020 during the Ram Mandir Bhoomi Pujan.

In recent years, unconfirmed reports have suggested that there might be tensions between Mohan Bhagwat and Narendra Modi. When Modi assumed office as Prime Minister in 2014, political circles buzzed with discussions about the influence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leadership and the government.

Sources say, shortly after the government’s formation in 2014, the BJP received instructions that all Union Ministers should accompany the Prime Minister to Nagpur and provide an account of their work. Initially, the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) cited prior commitments preventing Modi from visiting Nagpur. However, he eventually yielded to the Sangh chief’s insistence and travelled to Nagpur with his ministers. Subsequently, Modi broke away from this tradition and stopped visiting Nagpur. Instead, some ministers from his government continued attending the Sangh’s office in Jhandewalan, Delhi.

BJP’S ROLE IN RSS GROWTH

Within the Sangh Parivar itself, changes began to emerge. The RSS started benefiting from the Modi government, with its buildings being transformed into luxurious structures. Volunteers and campaigners were no longer financially dependent, enjoying stays in five-star hotels and air travel. Additionally, they began using expensive mobile phones and attending international meetings.

Despite Modi advancing the Sangh’s agenda and delivering electoral victories, the party, BJP, demonstrated that it was not solely reliant on the Sangh’s support.

While the Sangh identifies itself as a cultural and social organisation, its political leanings and ideological alignment with the BJP are not concealed. Sangh officials actively participate in BJP strategy discussions and even play a role in selecting the national president of the party. Following J P Nadda’s tenure as the national president, the list of potential successors has been submitted to the Sangh headquarters for approval.

Interestingly, when Amit Shah assumed the presidency of the BJP, the Sangh expressed dissatisfaction. They preferred that both the Prime Minister and the President not hail from the same state—Gujarat. However, sources reveal that Amit Shah’s initial act as President was to visit Nagpur, where he engaged in a one-and-a-half-hour meeting with Mohan Bhagwat to discuss future strategies.

Since Modi’s ascent to power in 2014, the Sangh has significantly benefited from its association with the BJP. It was during Modi’s tenure, that the RSS chief got Z-plus security and the Sangh chief’s speeches were broadcast live on every TV channel—an unprecedented occurrence. In 2017, Bhagwat became the first RSS Chief to be officially invited to the Rashtrapati Bhawan by then President Pranab Mukherjee. As soon as the Modi government assumed power, intellectuals and industrialists alike flocked to the doorstep of the RSS. 

Previously held only once or twice a year, the branch conferences (Shakhas) of the Sangh are now occurring more frequently. The daily gathering of volunteers associated with the RSS in a particular area is called the ‘Shakha’ of the Sangh. This gathering takes place at a predetermined location at a fixed time. That location is called ‘Sangh Sthan’. It can be any public or private place, as long as the owner does not object to the gathering of volunteers. By 2015, the number of RSS shakhas in the country, which was 51,335, had increased by 15 percent. This growth came after a significant decline in the number of shakhas before 2014. There are currently 72,000 shakhas in the country, and the target is to increase this to one lakh by 2025, the centenary year of the RSS.

Notably, when Yogi Adityanath assumed the role of Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, the Sangh gained over one lakh new volunteers. The Sangh also exerted considerable influence over the Education Ministry, shaping the new education policy and revising the curriculum. According to the Sangh’s perspective, primary education should be imparted in children’s mother tongue, avoiding the imposition of foreign languages. 

It is evident that the Sangh recognizes its expansion potential as long as the BJP remains in power. For the Sangh, state power is a means of achieving social change, so it wants the BJP to remain in power at the Center for 25-30 years. Given this, reviewing Bhagwat’s statements after the election results raises several important points.

BREAKING AWAY FROM TRADITION

Changes are also occurring within the disciplined organisation like the RSS. According to sources, when Modi took the oath as Prime Minister for the third time, he did not even inform the Sangh. Modi, who has been an active pracharak in the Sangh, knew that the Sangh was preparing an alternative due to the BJP not getting a full majority. Nonetheless, Modi has now attained such a stature that Bhagwat’s influence seems diminished. Within the Sangh, 60 percent of officials and swayamsevaks favour Modi. Meanwhile, in the BJP, Modi is appointing leaders from other parties and granting them positions, signalling his intent to liberate the BJP from the Sangh’s influence and sideline leaders with a Sangh background within the party.

The Sangh itself is partly responsible for this situation, having told the cadre for a full ten years that Modi is their deity. The Sangh now faces a dilemma: how can it admit a mistake about someone once revered as a god? 

Moreover, the Sangh felt debased when the BJP announced that the 2024 elections would be fought under the banner of ‘Modi’s guarantee.’ Because the Sangh opposes ‘individualism’. Additionally, there is a ‘Guru-Bhai’ relationship between Modi and Bhagwat. This relationship is discussed in the book ‘Jyotipunj’ written by Narendra Modi, where he compares Mohan Bhagwat to Parasmani.

One reason for the resentment between the Sangh and the BJP was the distribution of tickets in the 2024 general elections. The Sangh did not participate in ticket distribution in this election. 

However, this is not the first time there have been differences between the Sangh chief and current PM. Previously, the Sangh had differences with former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee on many issues but never publicly criticised him or LK Advani. However, when the Vajpayee government called early elections, five months before the end of its tenure, and lost, then Sangh chief K S Sudarshan remarked in a TV interview that “If only they had listened to us, this would not have happened.”

In any case, it was the RSS that promoted Modi as the prime ministerial candidate in 2013, having strategized on this since 2002. The RSS believes that the BJP party and the government are two separate entities. But now Sangh has a complaint with the BJP that it has become a yes-man to the government, whereas it should take its own decisions while maintaining harmony with the government.

After the election results, the RSS believes that the BJP cannot work on the policy of ‘Ekla Chalo Re’; it will always need the RSS. With Modi’s charisma perceived to have diminished, the RSS wants to play an active role in the upcoming Bihar, Maharashtra, and Haryana assembly elections. An example of this was seen when, after Bhagwat’s statement on Manipur, Union Home Minister Amit Shah called for a high-level meeting on the issue. Additionally, the RSS is now pinning its hopes on Yogi Adityanath and is busy formulating future strategies to make him a national leader. Modi, on the other hand, does not approve of RSS’s interference. 

MODI-BHAGWAT EQUATION

Narendra Modi and Mohan Bhagwat share mutual respect. Bhagwat acknowledges Modi’s popularity among the masses and considers him a committed swayamsevak. The RSS chief played a crucial role in garnering support for Modi within the RSS, even when some top leaders were initially opposed to his leadership of the BJP during the general elections.

In August 2013, shortly before Narendra Modi was announced as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, Mohan Bhagwat stated in a closed-door gathering in Kolkata that Modi remained firmly rooted in the Sangh ideology. According to an RSS leader, Modi respects Bhagwat for his understanding of practical political compulsions while remaining committed to advancing the Sangh’s ultimate objectives.

After 2014, there were no further one-on-one meetings between Bhagwat and Modi. Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, a writer and political analyst known for his works on the demolition of the Babri Masjid and prominent personalities of the RSS, shared insights with the BBC about the relationship between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Mohan Bhagwat, the Sarsanghchalak of the RSS. Mukhopadhyay stated that, to his knowledge, Modi and Bhagwat have never met officially. If they have met, it would have likely been a private meeting at Modi’s home. He noted that Bhagwat has publicly praised Modi on several occasions, which marks a significant shift, as such praise was unprecedented before. This change indicates a shift in the power dynamics within the Sangh Parivar, where the Sarsanghchalak no longer holds absolute authority over the Prime Minister. Mukhopadhyay also mentioned that Modi has never violated any principles of the Sangh.

RSS chief might have forgotten that when someone reaches the top, there is no room for friendship. Modi’s adherence to his own rules has led the Sangh to follow his instructions during his tenure as Prime Minister. 

QUEST FOR LONG-TERM POWER

As the Sangh approaches its hundredth anniversary, there is growing support for Modi among its cadre. Next year, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the world’s largest non-governmental organisation, will celebrate its centenary. Founded in 1925 in Nagpur, the RSS has grown to have over 57,000 daily shakhas (branches) across India, where members gather for various activities. The RSS aims to commemorate its 100-year journey by expanding its footprint and reinforcing its core principles.

The Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (ABPS), a crucial body within the RSS, is actively involved in shaping the centenary celebrations. While there were discussions about celebrating the centenary year in Kashmir after the abrogation of Article 370, no final decision has been made. 

The RSS leadership is considering various options, but the focus remains on meaningful contributions rather than grand celebrations. The RSS plans to celebrate its centenary by emphasising its core values, expanding its reach, and fostering social harmony. And the BJP would play a significant role in supporting these efforts.

Mohan Bhagwat has largely overlooked the changes occurring within the Sangh. Modi’s nationwide promotion of Hindutva, the dream of Sangh volunteers, has kept the Sangh cadre supportive of him. Modi’s popularity has impressed the Sangh to the extent that Bhagwat, who once had significant influence over BJP events, is now seen as more subdued.

Bhagwat has ceded ground due to Modi’s popularity, ensuring a smoother relationship between them. The appointment of Dattatreya Hosabale as the Sar Karywah (General Secretary) has further reduced Bhagwat’s authority within the RSS. Both Bhagwat and Modi belong to the same generation within the RSS, which adds another layer to their dynamic.

Despite the differences between the RSS and the BJP and the strained relationship between Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, the Parivaar is not on the brink of a split.